Negation in English

Hulalessar

Senior Member
English - England
If the principle of least effort applies to language change, why did English shift from SUBJECT-VERB-NOT to SUBJECT-DO-NOT-VERB?

Why were auxiliary and modal verbs unaffected by the change?
 
  • How do you quantify it? What does less effort mean? It is not uncommon in languages to abandon shorter forms in favour of longer or periphrastic solutions for the sake of clarity.
     
    Agreed. However, I do not see "I don't know" as clearer than "I know not".
    In my understanding, grammaticalisation of do support originated in negative questions, radiated from there to positive questions and finally to negative declaratives and negative imperatives.

    Do support always existed in Germanic languages, mainly as an vehicle to convey emphasis, as in I do like to go the Spain next summer. Grammaticalisation of do support in other sentences than positive declaratives coincides with the SVO word order marginalising the more traditional V2 word order, e.g., Yesterday, I had pie and mash for lunch replacing Yesterday had I pie and mash for dinner as predominant word order. This probably caused the do support to gain popularity in questions, like What do you like for dinner? instead of What like you for dinner?

    Do support, for semantic reasons, never worked with stative verbs like be, have, will, can, may, etc. That is probably why it still isn't used in questions or negations with those verbs.
     
    be, have, will, can, may, etc.
    And 'effort' may be seen in keeping two patterns. I wohllde not awyse yow (Wallage 2005: 297b, 'I would not advise you'), he schuld not begynne (247a), it may nat be (236c), was not founden (102b), dyd not I send (78), etc. But: —Did you see? —I saw not ~ I did not (see).

    English could have also simplified it further, I will see ~ I did see for most, similar to Chabacano ta kwidá, ta hugá 'took care', 'played' (cuidaba, jugaba). In Ingham 2008, "Old English showed no sign at all of losing the negative head ne or NC."
     
    Do support can be found in all Germanic languages. In some languages, dialects and times it was and is more and in others less common. Its grammaticisation in English in certain types of sentences only happened with the transition from Early to Late Modern English, i.e., around 1750. But the rise in popularity was a gradual one that spanned the entire Early Modern English period, i.e., between roughly 1450 and 1750 and happened in some types of sentences earlier than in others.
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    https://www.ling.upenn.edu/~kroch/papers/nels30.pdf
     
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    Interesting.

    Is there any language which has more complicated rules for forming negative and interrogative questions, not to mention tag questions? (My Russian teacher of Russian spoke perfect English, but always used "isn't it?" for a tag question.)
     
    This is indeed a theory held by a lot of Celticists (and often negated [!] by Anglicists). I haven't studied it in that much depth, but suggest you follow up with reading something like this - these are professional, academic Finns so they approach the subject from unbiased, non-Indo European backgrounds:

    English and Celtic in Contact

    Hope this helps and may lead you elsewhere. (See also the work on 'Celtic Englishes' in particular that of Hildegram Tristram of Potsdam University and Andrew Breeze of the University of Navarra, Pamplona, too.)
     
    I read somewhere that it is theorized that the do-supporting of verbs in English came from a Celtic substrate, but I can't remember the specifics. Maybe @Welsh_Sion can tell me if I'm way off on that...
    Yes, that is a popular and not implausible theory. But in the end, there is no substantial evidence. Do as an auxiliary verb for constructing periphrastic verb forms is very likely pre-Proto-Germanic, as Proto-Germanic most likely already a fully developed past tense system of endings, the one we call "regular" in modern English, derived from a periphrastic construction (he loved = he love did). With such a long history the beyond reconstructible Proto-Germanic, it is difficult say with any degree of confidence where when and how it originated.
     
    Is there any language which has more complicated rules for forming negative
    In Europe, I'd say Finnish, which fully conjugates a negative verb as well as changing the form of the verb carrying the meaning according to tense.
     
    Hold your beer, Finland.

    Don't forget that the Celtic languages have no real one-word equivalent for 'No' (or 'Yes'). Rather we use the verb, conjugate it for the appropriate tense and person and relate it to the verb in the original question. It's getting late to explain all this now and provide examples, but perhaps another 'Celtophone' can help out.
     
    Interesting.

    Is there any language which has more complicated rules for forming negative and interrogative questions, not to mention tag questions? (My Russian teacher of Russian spoke perfect English, but always used "isn't it?" for a tag question.)
    In Russian tag questions are indeed more simple and, as one could put it, less grammaticalized (literary ~~"whether not so?"; colloquial "so" + intensifier, "so?", "yes?"/"no?", etc.); it doesn't make you parse the surrounding syntax at all.

    General questions in Russian are defined by intonation (sharply raising on the stressed syllable of the relevant word and then immediately dropping low); one sequence of three words with three different intonations will form three different questions: "Is it your pen? Is this pen yours? That pen of yours, is it this one?" (Can be a set of statements too, if the intonations aren't interrogative, though in that case changing word order is more expected.) "Li" particle is used in the interrogative meaning only in literary or very formal speech, and otherwise general questions end up marked with intonation alone (though starting the question with the discourse marker "a" is often a good idea - but then again, it's ultimately dictated by the pragmatics, not by plain interrogativity). Word order, in turn, is largely defined by the pragmatics, the rhythm etc., so transpositions for purely syntactic purposes (English or German-style) would be... problematic.

    Negated sentences in Russian are the kingdom of multiple negations when it comes to pro-forms, so you may need to use many negative words (e.g. ~"here no-one no-one never not insults" = "here no one ever insults anybody"), but that's that.
     
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    Negated sentences in Russian are the kingdom of multiple negations when it comes to pro-forms, so you may need to use many negative words (e.g. ~"here no-one no-one never not insults" = "here no one ever insults anybody"), but that's that.
    A number of languages do that to the confusion of native (standard) English speakers who consider that two negatives cancel each other out. When it comes to the negation of affirmative sentences many languages keep it simple.

    Yes/no questions can get a bit more complicated in that more than one option may be available such as:

    ·Inserting a question marker at the beginning of the sentence.

    ·Inserting a question marker at the end of the sentence.

    ·Inversion of subject and verb.

    ·Inversion of subject and verb with the addition of a particle.

    ·Inflecting the verb.

    ·Intonation.

    No language I have looked at has the complicated rules English has to form the negation of affirmative sentences and ask yes/no questions.

    Post 8 should read: "Is there any language which has more complicated rules for forming negative and interrogative sentences, not to mention tag questions?
     
    No language I have looked at has the complicated rules English has to form the negation of affirmative sentences and ask yes/no questions.
    I don't quite know what you mean. I can't detected anything out of the ordinary about Englisch negations or questions you can't also find in other related languages. The only specularity is do-support which is but a minor feature as do-support is a general feature or English and exists also in other Germanic languages and dialects and the only uniqueness is the grammaticalisation of do-support.
     
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    A number of languages do that to the confusion of native (standard) English speakers who consider that two negatives cancel each other out. When it comes to the negation of affirmative sentences many languages keep it simple.

    Yes/no questions can get a bit more complicated in that more than one option may be available such as:

    ·Inserting a question marker at the beginning of the sentence.

    ·Inserting a question marker at the end of the sentence.

    ·Inversion of subject and verb.

    ·Inversion of subject and verb with the addition of a particle.

    ·Inflecting the verb.

    ·Intonation.

    No language I have looked at has the complicated rules English has to form the negation of affirmative sentences and ask yes/no questions.

    Post 8 should read: "Is there any language which has more complicated rules for forming negative and interrogative sentences, not to mention tag questions?
    This is not ok in English. The only English speakers in the U.S. that would feel inclined to do that is a Latin speaker. We never, ever begin a question with a question mark. Though we may just shoot you a ??? in general puzzlement or confusion at something said in a message.
     
    I don't quite know what you mean. I can't detected anything out of the ordinary about Englisch negations or questions you can't also find in other related languages.
    I am not saying that English does things other languages do not do, but that the rules are not simple. Modal and auxiliary verbs are not treated the same as other verbs. The word order has to change in some contracted forms: "Are we not?" changes to "Aren't we?" To add to it all, "do" does a lot of work in English.
     
    I am not saying that English does things other languages do not do, but that the rules are not simple. Modal and auxiliary verbs are not treated the same as other verbs. The word order has to change in some contracted forms: "Are we not?" changes to "Aren't we?" To add to it all, "do" does a lot of work in English.
    Once you understand that these quirks originate from reconciling the old V2 word order (as in yesterday came he home early) with the new SVO word order (yesterday, he came home early), all of this gets very intuitive. At least for me this was immediately intuitive when I learned English in school. But I have of course the advantage of coming from a language where V2 word order is still alive and my intuition was already tuned to it.
     
    Once you understand that these quirks originate from reconciling the old V2 word order (as in yesterday came he home early) with the new SVO word order (yesterday, he came home early), all of this gets very intuitive. At least for me this was immediately intuitive when I learned English in school. But I have of course the advantage of coming from a language where V2 word order is still alive and my intuition was already tuned to it.
    I think most U.S. English speakers would just say "He came home early yesterday". Time is usually given later in the statement, like "I'm going to the park tomorrow around noon, if you want to come." or "Im going to the park around noon tomorrow, if you want to come." I think the second one rolls off the tongue more fluidly though. Noon's final n seems so resolute to the fluid W in Tomorrow. Plus the syllable count rolls off the tongue more fluid. Like the Cellar Door debate with Tolkien.
     
    I think most U.S. English speakers would just say "He came home early yesterday".
    Berndf was merely illustrating the order. In Modern English there are only some traces of the V2 order indeed, mostly if not exclusively involving certain adverbs (here, there, then, now) - including, of course, "there is/are" existential construction. In many cases such vestiges are stylistically colored too.
     
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    Once you understand that these quirks originate from reconciling the old V2 word order (as in yesterday came he home early) with the new SVO word order (yesterday, he came home early), all of this gets very intuitive. At least for me this was immediately intuitive when I learned English in school. But I have of course the advantage of coming from a language where V2 word order is still alive and my intuition was already tuned to it.
    My point is that English moved from one way of negating all verbs and asking yes/no questions to two ways according to what sort of verb it is, thereby introducing a complication which did not previously exist. Is there any other language which has done that?
     
    It is really only one verb that behaves differently: be. All others follow the same basic pattern: the finite auxiliary verb takes the position according to V2 grammar in questions and the negation in negative sentences and the main verb in non-finite form is unmodified and positioned after the subject. To make this pattern universal, do-support is employed to transform simple verb forms into periphrastic ones. Verb forms that are already periphrastic don't need do-support. That is why modal verbs don't need do-support, because they are never stand-alone verbs. Have behaves, in accordance with this general logic, differently depending on whether it is employed as a main verb (with do-support) or as an auxiliary verb (without do-support). Leaves only be as a special case. And the equivalent of be sticks out in some ways in many, probably most, languages that have one.

    This general pattern is verb easy to teach to 10 year old German pupils. That is the age when I was taught English grammar for the first time in school. And I don't recall other non-native speakers ever having difficulties with applying the this general logic.
     
    This general pattern is verb easy to teach to 10 year old German pupils. That is the age when I was taught English grammar for the first time in school. And I don't recall other non-native speakers ever having difficulties with applying the this general logic.

    Logic does not come into it!

    The point is that the rules are not overcomplicated, but they are still quite involved. I doubt all the rules were covered in a single lesson. That contrasts with, say, Spanish, where you are early on told that to negate a sentence you put "no" in front of the verb whatever sort of verb it is.

    The following gives an idea of what is involved in English:

    I do not go

    I don’t go

    Do I not go?

    Don’t I go?

    I am not.

    Am I not?

    Aren’t I?

    I shall not.

    I shan’t.

    Shall I not?

    Shan’t I?

    I don’t have eggs

    *I haven’t eggs

    I haven’t any eggs
     
    Logic does not come into it!

    The point is that the rules are not overcomplicated, but they are still quite involved. I doubt all the rules were covered in a single lesson. That contrasts with, say, Spanish, where you are early on told that to negate a sentence you put "no" in front of the verb whatever sort of verb it is.

    The following gives an idea of what is involved in English:

    I do not go

    I don’t go

    Do I not go?

    Don’t I go?

    I am not.

    Am I not?

    Aren’t I?

    I shall not.

    I shan’t.

    Shall I not?

    Shan’t I?

    I don’t have eggs

    *I haven’t eggs

    I haven’t any eggs

    Roughly one lesson each. Long and short forms are usually taught together.


    Each language has complicated and easy aspects. English learners for example don't have to bother (much) with inflection. There are only eight endings a word can have. In German there are probably close to 100, I have never counted them, so it's just a gut feeling. :D
     
    I haven’t any eggs
    Did you mean I haven't got any eggs? Both forms exist but only the latter is taught in school. I haven't any ... is probably considered a minor variant of I don't have any ... that isn't worth topicalising.
     
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    OK. As I said, this form isn't handled in school English. At least not when was at school for the reason I said. Since the mid 20th century, I don't have any XXX dwarfs I haven't any XXX in frequency.

    All the others are immediately intuitive for V2 speakers because of the general logic they follow (yes, logic comes into it) and a handful of examples are sufficient for students to firmly implant the patterns in their brains. The only thing we have to learn by heart are the respective short forms. But that is so for all short forms in all languages. English has subtle rules when to use what shortening depending on register and that isn't always easy for non-native speakers but that isn't specific to questions and negations but applies to all kind of sentences.
     
    Agreed. My list applies generally and not just to English.
    I see that Hulalessar wrote "question marker", not "question mark", meaning a "word that signals that the sentence is a question". Some languages, like French and Polish begin with the question marker (est ce que, czy), other like Finnish and Japanese put the marker at the end (-ko, ka).
    A question marker is the most intelligent solution for constructing a question. Simple and effective. :)
     
    Some languages, like French and Polish begin with the question marker (est ce que, czy), other like Finnish and Japanese put the marker at the end (-ko, ka).
    Russian puts "li" immediately after the verb, which is fronted (though simultaneous emphatic fronting theoretically may place other parts before the verb). But then again, it's a bookish model in Russian, which otherwise goes without interrogative particles at all. Overall, VO languages tend to place the marker near the beginning of the sentence, while OV languages usually place it at the end. (Finnish is basically SVO, but historically FU languages are SOV.)
     
    OK. As I said, this form isn't handled in school English. At least not when was at school for the reason I said. Since the mid 20th century, I don't have any XXX dwarfs I haven't any XXX in frequency.

    Noted, but the form is by no means dead; old fashioned possibly, but not archaic. It would pass unnoticed, unlike I haven't XXX.

    All the others are immediately intuitive for V2 speakers because of the general logic they follow (yes, logic comes into it)

    I am not keen on the the word "logic" being used when discussing grammar. It implies that a form can necessarily be deduced from a set of propositions or accords with some notion of common sense. What propositions lead to the conclusion that in English some verbs are negated by do not before the verb and others by placing not after the verb? There may be an explanation as to why the rules for negation are as they are, but I cannot see how anyone unfamiliar with the history of English can say that the rules must be as they are.

    and a handful of examples are sufficient for students to firmly implant the patterns in their brains. The only thing we have to learn by heart are the respective short forms. But that is so for all short forms in all languages. English has subtle rules when to use what shortening depending on register and that isn't always easy for non-native speakers but that isn't specific to questions and negations but applies to all kind of sentences.

    Agreed. Languages can have rules which have exceptions and exceptions to the exceptions.
     
    It implies that a form can necessarily be deduced from a set of propositions or accords with some notion of common sense.
    Not at all. The internal logics of a grammar systems have nothing to do with common sense. They can be arbitrary choices or accidental developments or whatever. We don't know what caused our ancestors 2000 or 3000 years ago to come up with V2 grammar and there is absolutely nothing "common sense" from which you could deduce any specific logic. It is just a set of rules that gives structure to sentences. The only thing that matters is that the combination of V2 syntax with SVO semantics (main verb comes after the subject) is the guiding principle from which these forms can be explained with relative ease and in a consistent way.
     
    Please explain what you mean when you say that a grammar system has an internal logic. I regard "internal logic" as implying something like "hangs together nicely" as when it is said a that a novel or piece of music has internal logic. I do not see how any sense of logic can apply to the grammar of a language. At one time grammar and logic were considered separate. Grammar is concerned with describing language and logic with how language is used, two quite different things.
     
    Internal logic is a logic defined by a system itself without reference to any external rules or goals. V2 is one logic and SVO is another logic:
    • V2 logic means that exactly one syntactic unit precedes the conjugated verb and
    • SVO logic means in this case that the main verb follows the subject.
    By combining these two logics, the forms discussed here become highly predictable and easily explainable.

    Again, in grammar "logic" simple means that certain abstract rules are followed and to what degree grammatical construct can be explained in terms of these abstract rules. There is nothing inherently "nice", "natural" or "common sense" about these rules. They just structure sentences in a predictable way.

    "Intuitivity" of a construct is simply a function of to what degree a speaker has internalised a certain logic and is thus able to apply it intuitively. It has nothing to do certain merits of a logic, like being "nice" or "sensible" or "common sense".
     
    V2 is one logic and SVO is another logic.
    I wouldn't really describe V2 as some independent logic; essentially it's just SVO with additional rules. When we define the basic word order, we merely state what order is the default one. Both for German and for Russian it's SVO (though it seems colloquial Russian is drifting towards SOV). V2 here is not some other particular order but the strict rule describing possible dislocations for SVO. In Russian, on the other hand, the word order is dominated by pragmatics (a combination of theme vs. rheme and emphases of various kinds), so there are no strict rules which could define it basing solely on the formal sentence structure at all (even despite it being a major factor). Still, for both languages the default, unmarked order is SVO.
     
    V2 can produce SVO, VSO, VOS and OVS, depending on context. The only thing it excludes is SOV or OSV. VOS and OVS are indeed marked orders while with SVO and VSO are unmarked as in:
    Der Hund biss den Mann and
    Heute biss der Hund den Mann.
    The only thing you can really say is that V2 grammar tends to produced unmarked sentences where S comes before O. But even that isn't always the case:
    Gestern sah er das Feuerwerk (Adv-V-S-O)
    Gestern sah es der Mann (Adv-V-O-S)
    Both sentences are unmarked. There are other considerations that determine which word order is unmarked in what condition.

    The only thing you can say that in simplest of cases with only three constituents and S and O both being common nouns or both being pronouns, SVO is the unmarked word order. There are really a lot of ifs. And of course, we are only speaking of main clauses. Subordinate clauses have V-last word order. All this probably developed out of SOV being the dominant word order at an early stage of pre-PGrm and V2 developing as a rival word order with both word orders still competing in early West-Germanic languages and then separating into the preferred main and subordinate word order. English had already in OE SOV as a rivaling third word order, which became increasingly dominant in later development stages of English.
     
    Both sentences are unmarked.
    How so? The adverb here is fronted for a specific pragmatic reason - and then fronting it naturally demands putting everything else after the verb.
    V2 can produce SVO, VSO, VOS and OVS, depending on context.
    And Russian word order easily produces SVO, OVS and SOV, and in certain contexts can also produce VSO, VOS and (in contrastive sentences) OSV. Does it mean there is no default word order? Nope, it really doesn't, even though the default word order involves certain default pragmatic conditions to be satisfied (in particular, a topicalized, non-rhematic subject - which can be considered the pragmatic value of the subject cross-linguistically). Ultimately, the key differences with German can be summed up as German having the pivotal V2 rule (which in the end makes the word order much more dependent on the sentence's formal structure) and Russian missing it.
     
    How so? The adverb here is fronted for a specific pragmatic reason - and then fronting it naturally demands putting everything else after the verb.
    I was talking about the relative position of subject and object (Adv-V-S-O vs. Adv-V-O-S), not about the position of the adverb.
    Ultimately, the key differences with German can be summed up as German having the pivotal V2 rule (which in the end makes the word order much more dependent on the sentence's formal structure) and Russian missing it.
    In the end it doesn't matter if you call V2 a "word order" or a "rule". The significance of V2 in the context of this thread is that V2 and SVO are in contradiction in questions and that explains the grammaticisation of do-support with simple tenses and by extension of negatives.

    PS: Adverb first might or might not be marked. This depends very much on context. And even without adverbs SOV, is not as dominant as in English. It is the unmarked word order under very limited conditions. With periphrastic verb forms the default word order is rather a mixture of V2 and SOV with the auxiliary verb in 2nd position and the main verb after the objects. SVO is really only one of several paradigms and the default word order only under very limited conditions.
     
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    Did you mean I haven't got any eggs? Both forms exist but only the latter is taught in school. I haven't any ... is probably considered a minor variant of I don't have any ... that isn't worth topicalising.
    In school, we were explicitly taught that you can only shorten have and have not if they are an auxiliary verb. So, I haven't any eggs. would have gotten me points deducted in an English test.
     
    In school, we were explicitly taught that you can only shorten have and have not if they are an auxiliary verb. So, I haven't any eggs. would have gotten me points deducted in an English test.
    BBC programme: I'm Sorry I Haven't a Clue
    Bing Crosby song: I Haven't Time to Be a Millionaire
    Quote from Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone: But, Hagrid, how am I to pay for all this? I haven't any money.
     
    In school, we were explicitly taught that you can only shorten have and have not if they are an auxiliary verb. So, I haven't any eggs. would have gotten me points deducted in an English test.
    I think that is accurate in AE. But maybe not in BE.

    BBC programme: I'm Sorry I Haven't a Clue
    Bing Crosby song: I Haven't Time to Be a Millionaire
    Quote from Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone: But, Hagrid, how am I to pay for all this? I haven't any money.
    Two BE examples and a song title. Titles and song lyrics don't have grammar rules. In all three cases, AE sentences (sentences have grammar) would say "I haven't got".
     
    But that's the problem: it's basically about have vs. have got, not really about haven't any vs. don't have any. "Have no" is another possible alternative.
    Up to a point in that the examples in post 41 can be "corrected" to satisfy OBrasilo's English teachers by inserting "got". It is though worth pointing out as an aside that when it comes to style rather than grammar, the use of "got" is discouraged by some English teachers in both the UK and the US. This article says it all: A Word, Please: Lessons on the use of 'got'. And as an aside to the aside, "gotten" is not considered grammatical in Standard British English.

    The problem is that there is a rule which states: When "have" refers to possession use "don't have" and when it is an auxiliary use "haven't". However, the rule is not of universal application. I would be hard pressed to formulate any rules for the exceptions.

    EDIT: I should have said that the exceptions are not compulsory, but allowable alternatives.
     
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    I think that is accurate in AE. But maybe not in BE.


    Two BE examples and a song title. Titles and song lyrics don't have grammar rules. In all three cases, AE sentences (sentences have grammar) would say "I haven't got".
    Agreed. Often in movies, songs or literature, the prose can be simple, poetic, or other. Often breaking typical rules set as guidelines till one is more efficient with the language. Some times one can wax on poetically just to peacock and sound smart. Had a kid in school once that spoke to everyone all fanciful and everyone just thought he was talking down to them and snobby. Context and situation can matter a lot. If one were to read A Song of Ice and Fire, one would find completely different prose from chapter to chapter due to the narrative device of each chapter being a different characters Point of View. With some characters being children or adults, male or female, educated or not. Sometimes purposefully using bad grammar to illustrate these differences. Is Italian proper? Im sure a Roman wouldn't think so since Italian came from the uneducated lower class known as Vulgar-Latin. The term "Vulgar" denoting the Roman's feelings on it. These were simply two different social classes. Should a poet for the people write in such fanciful prose as if for a King or Emperor? Who is he trying to connect to and communicate to?
     
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    My point is that English moved from one way of negating all verbs and asking yes/no questions to two ways according to what sort of verb it is, thereby introducing a complication which did not previously exist. Is there any other language which has done that?

    Late to the table, but you may be interested in the Gujarati verbal system. Depending on the tense, conjugation depends on person, number, or gender. More importantly negatives don't follow their affirmative pattern. (I've bolded such examples below)

    Tense/Aspect/MoodRough English ExampleAffirmative declines based on...Negative Declines based on...
    Simple PresentI go to schoolPerson, NumberGender, Number
    Simple PastI went to schoolGender, NumberGender, Number
    Simple FutureI will go to SchoolPerson, NumberPerson, Number
    Present Perfect*I have gone to schoolPerson, Gender, NumberGender, Number
    Past Perfect*I had gone to schoolGender, NumberGender, Number
    Future PerfectI will have gone to schoolPerson, Gender, NumberPerson, Gender, Number
    Present ImperfectI regularly go to schoolPerson, Gender, NumberX (tense seldom used)
    Past ImperfectI regularly went to schoolGender, NumberX (tense seldom used)
    Subjunctive...that I go to schoolPerson, NumberPerson, Number
    Conditional / Counterfactual...I were to go to school...Gender, NumberGender, Number

    * indicates the tense is split-ergative

    This system might seem really bizarre, but it's a result of a few very straightforward rules that over time were grammaticalized into one verbal system. In Hindi (closely related to Gujarati) the system is still much more consistent.

    I mention this because:
    1. You might find it interesting and relevant to your question
    2. I think it's a good sign that systems do not regularize over time. What was a historically a very consistent pattern eventually became quite bizzare as the language changed.

    Additionally, the (Western) Indo-Aryan languages (including Gujarati) developed Split-Ergativity, when Sanskrit was not.
     
    I mention this because:
    1. You might find it interesting and relevant to your question
    2. I think it's a good sign that systems do not regularize over time. What was a historically a very consistent pattern eventually became quite bizzare as the language changed.

    Additionally, the (Western) Indo-Aryan languages (including Gujarati) developed Split-Ergativity, when Sanskrit was not.
    I find anything different interesting.

    The whole business of language change is interesting and mysterious.
     
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